Iraqi Ambassador: Iran-US rapprochement affects the whole region and the world

 Iraqi Ambassador: Iran-US rapprochement affects the whole region and the world

Mohammad Majid Abbas al-Sheikh was born in Baghdad in 1952. He received his graduate degree in political sciences from Baghdad University. As Ba’ath Party’s intensified pressure, he fled from Iraq in 1980 and spent a while in Syria. After his flee from Baghdad, two of his brothers were arrested and executed respectively in 1982 and 1983. During the Iran-Iraq rapprochement, he took over as the Iraqi ambassador to Iran in order to bridge the gap between Tehran and Baghdad.

Quite welcoming and serene, the Iraqi Ambassador to Tehran answered all our questions on the bilateral political and economic relations and the role the two countries could play in the international scene in detail.

 Ava Diplomatic’s exclusive interview with Iraqi Ambassador to Tehran

Mohammad Majid Abbas al-Sheikh

Interview by Mohammadreza Nazari 

After ending your diplomatic tenure as the Iraqi ambassador to Iran, you were reappointed to the same position. Some media believe that your reappointment is due to the Iranian officials’ constant insistence on having you in Tehran. Is that so?

Well, in the first place, it was Iraqi officials who wanted me to continue my mission in Iran and, in the second place, the Iranian foreign minister asked his counterpart to let me stay longer in Iran. I have been here for 9 years now. Of course, you can also ask those who, as you said, like me to stay longer in Iran.

You have been here, as the Iraqi ambassador to Iran, for 9 years. How do you see political capacities of the two countries after these 9 years?

After Saddam Hussein’s regime was ousted, we achieved progress and development in Iran-Iraq bilateral relations. More than 20 memoranda of understanding have been signed and of course, all these agreements and memoranda of understanding were signed after Saddam Hussein’s regime, practically opening a whole new chapter in Iran-Iraq relations. In fact, these relations have been established based on the officials’ will in both countries.

We must bear in mind that Iran and Iraq share a border which is 1360 km long, making it Iraq’s longest common border. Naturally, this is the reason why Iraq has relatively different relations with Iran than with any other neighbor. Moreover, the two countries have lots of religious, economic, and cultural commonalties.

Under Saddam Hussein’s regime, a war broke out between this regime and Iran which ultimately came to a ceasefire both countries agreed upon, based on the UN Resolution 598. In a statement you made, you said that other parts of the Resolution could be implemented. What parts do you mean exactly?

Most clauses of the Resolution have been implemented. Studies on how to redraw the common land borders have been completed and meetings are yet to be held on how to redraw the common maritime boundaries. I hope we will gradually reach a settlement on this issue.

About other clauses of the Resolution I can mention the part on the Prisoners of War. At the moment of speaking, there are no POWs left in the two countries and this case has been closed. Another point of dispute is the mines planted around the common borders which are more in the Iraqi side. In other words, there still exist about 25 million live mines in Iraqi territory which are to be neutralized following a bilateral agreement. Other clauses have been implemented and we have no particular problem in this regard. Political leaders of the two countries now have a political will to resolve the common problems.

  It seems that Iraq no longer wants to pay war indemnity to Iran. What is your opinion about this?

Well, this matter has not been formally discussed between the two countries yet and has been held in abeyance. As I have pointed out repeatedly, the important thing is the intimacy in the bilateral relations and the best solution is sticking to the two countries’ will to settle the disputes. We must accept that mere money cannot resolve the problems. We have seen that even though Saddam Hussein had singed the 1975 Accord he finally tore it and waged the war. He did this because he didn’t have the will to resolve the problems.

 What did the Iraqi Defense Minister mainly discuss with his Iranian counterpart in their recent meeting?

During the Iraqi Defense Minister’s visit to Iran, a memorandum of understanding was signed by both ministers. A number of agreements were reached, including training of the Iraqi military forces, exchanging security information and clearing the mines from the common borders. Some agreements were also reached on fixing the common maritime boundaries and it was decided that a joint committee should be formed.

You said that some agreements were reached on the common maritime boundaries. Do these agreements have an impact on the common maritime boundary in Shatt al-Arab?

The common maritime boundary in Shatt al-Arab has been changed and we need some new agreements on returning to former ones. Some ships also sank in this river which is a disputable matter and needs to be resolved.

According to the 1975 Accord, the common border, lying in the river bottom, halves the river in two. Of course, gradually and due to some climatic conditions, Shatt al-Arab has burst its banks towards Iraq and consequently Iran gained some more land. Therefore, it was agreed that a committee should be formed to redraw the thalweg between the two countries based on the 1975 geographical characteristics and to put the common maritime boundary back to its former place. Another problem is that 200 vessels (in various sizes) have sunk in this river and have to be cleared from it.

Did the two countries’ defense ministers talk about Iraq’s inspection of Iranian airplanes flying to Syria through Iraq in their recent meeting?

No, they didn’t talk about this issue.

 Now let’s talk about Iran-Iraq economic relations. Iranian businessmen believe that Turk businessmen enjoy a more suitable room in Iraq, whereas Iraqi officials claim that Iranian businessmen are slow and are not that active in Iraq. What is your opinion about these two views?     

Iranian businessmen have to take up tender invitations in Iraq. That is, we no longer can present Iranians with Iraq’s plans and projects while they are resting at home. Iranian economic attaché in Iraq must take charge of providing Iranian businessmen and investors with Iraq’s economic and commercial plans and projects and encourage them to have a good participation in Iraq’s markets.

You are saying that Iranian economic and commercial attaché in Iraq has to be active; well, Iraqi economic attaché in Tehran should also be blamed for this. He should be more active too. Are you, as the ambassador, more active in interacting with businessmen than Iraqi economic attaché in Iraqi embassy in Tehran?

Well, we see all businessmen in Iraq. Turk businessmen, for example, have a high level of activity from Basra to Mosul. Iraq has provided an open space for all countries. Therefore, competition is intense in this country and the winner in this competition is the one whose product and quickness can compete with those of others.

You’ve spent a long time in Iran and you know Iran very well. How can Iranian businessmen gain a better quickness in Iraq’s markets?

First of all, Iranian economic and commercial attaché in Iraq should become much more active. Secondly, Iran and Iraq’s chambers of commerce should have a closer and more harmonious cooperation. Thirdly, Iranians should hold more exhibitions in Iraq to introduce their products, so that Iraqi purchasers and companies get acquainted with the quality of Iranian products. Also, Iraqi businessmen should be invited to Iran to get acquainted with Iran’s economic capacities and products in person.

For example, Iran’s chamber of commerce can charge Iranian merchants and businessmen for publishing pamphlets and brochures about Iran’s industry and products and then distributes them in Iraq for free in order to encourage a commercial movement. There are lots of ways and means of cheap advertisement, including CDs which don’t cost much.

To what extent can Kurdistan region provide Iranian investors with suitable conditions?

In Iraq’s Kurdistan, we have less security problems and of course, Kurdistan has witnessed stronger presence of Iranian companies and firms. Iran’s chamber of commerce applied for a number of visas for Kurdistan and it is now about eight months these visas have been issued. We have greatly facilitated the conditions for them but unfortunately the Iranian businessmen are still slow despite all this cooperation.

Turkey has historical problems with Kurds. To what extent do these problems affect Turkey’s investments in Iraq’s Kurdistan?

Turkey does not have a commercial problem in Iraqi Kurdistan. In fact, Turkey has separated political fields from economic ones.

Iraq was the biggest exporter of dates a long time ago but it has moved away from its economic and agricultural golden age. Now, what arrangements have been made for Iran-Iraq agricultural cooperation?

There used to be abundant water in Iraq and most parts of it were under cultivation. But now, we are in need of Iranians’ modern technology and extensive experience in agriculture. The Iraqi government encourages farmers and buys their products. Our wheat production is in good conditions this year but dates are still Iraq’s sole agricultural export.

Iraq has tremendously increased its crude oil export and it seems that it tries to take Iran’s position in crude production. The key question is what kind of development plan Iraq is following in its oil industry?  

Currently, Iraq is producing two million and six hundred thousand bpd of crude oil and we try to increase our production up to four million bpd. Of course, our ultimate plan is to produce up to five or six million bpd.

It should be noted that we are not taking Iran’s position in crude exports. This is a mistake. The oil embargo against Iran has made its crude production decrease. Our quota, determined by OPEC, is over three million bpd and we act based on our quota and we have never said that we want to replace Iran in crude production. Iraq is against these sanctions which have been imposed on Iran because most sanctions affect Iranian people. In fact, Iraq is trying to improve its facilities. We do not want to take possession of others’ quotas.

But the plan you described will make Iraq the biggest crude exporter in the world and it cannot be denied.

I stress again that we try to go ahead with plans we have designed. Of course, we also try to make use of our quota.

Iraqi government makes good income from Iranian pilgrims who visit Iraq. Do you have any figures of the revenues the Iraqi government makes from Iranian pilgrims?

I’ll tell you the number of pilgrims and you can calculate the revenues they make for my country. Based on an agreement reached between the Iraqi government and Iran’s Hajj and Pilgrimage Organization (HPO), usually, about three thousand Iranian pilgrims visit Iraq per day. The figure rises to five thousand in special occasions. Of course, the Iraqi embassy has issued visas up to seven thousand per day in some particular cases, too. Each Iranian pilgrim is charged 30 dollars, if he or she is visiting Iraq within HPO regulations, and if not, he/she is charged 40 dollars. We do not intend to prevent Iranian pilgrims from visiting Iraq. Our only concern is the infrastructure which has to be provided for these pilgrims. Nowhere in the world can you see that pilgrims want to buy patches of the host country’s land and this is an important matter in religious tourism which has its roots in our religious beliefs.

In meetings with officials of Iraq’s religious cities, I always want them to provide Iranian and non-Iranian pilgrims with necessary facilities so that they can practice their rituals with more ease. Some may ask why we do not revoke visa regulations (between Iran and Iraq). Well, the important thing here is that if we revoke visa regulations, at least twenty thousand Iranian pilgrims enter Iraq each day while we do not have the necessary infrastructure to receive all these pilgrims yet. I want Iranian pilgrims to be treated with respect and do not stay on streets and unsuitable places. I want Iranian pilgrims to come to the holy shrines in Iraq and be treated with high respect.

Why cannot Iranian pilgrims visit the holy shrines in Samarra?

Iranian pilgrims can go to Samarra without any difficulty. But the point is that they don’t go to Samarra due to some security problems. However, some of them practically risk their life to visit the shrines in this city. But all in all, the number of pilgrims who visit this city has been limited.

 On the one hand we have Iranian pilgrims, who go on pilgrimages in Iraq, and on the other hand we are witnessing an increasing number of Iraqi tourists are visiting Iran in the current year. How do you assess the trend?

After the devaluation of the Iranian Rial against US dollar, visiting Iran costs less for Iraqi tourists and they don’t consider Iran as an expensive country. Well, that’s why visiting Iran has become cheaper for Iraqis. According to the figures, two thousand Iraqis visit Iran as tourists every day. This summer, the figure changed to even three thousand Iraqi tourists per day. Certainly, the larger the number of the Iranian pilgrims and Iraqi tourists, the more positive its impact will be on Iran-Iraq bilateral relations.

 You mentioned the importance of Iran-Iraq bilateral relations. As you know, a phone call was made between the Iranian and US presidents recently. What kind of impact(s) does this trend have on Iran-Iraq bilateral relations?

Iran’s nuclear case is a political one and if it is tackled in the political sphere, Iran’s nuclear case will be resolved. Improvement in Iran-US relations affects not only Iran-Iraq relations but also all the relations in the whole region and the world. The impacts of the phone call in Iran are showing themselves as the devaluation of the US dollar against the Iranian Rial and it will continue to affect other areas.

Some countries benefit from a break off in relations between Iran and the US. What view does Iraq’s central government hold regarding efforts made by Rouhani administration to reach a climate of détente in Iran- US relations?

Some countries do not like an improvement in Iran-US relations and benefit from a break off in relations between the two countries. But Iraq’s government welcomes an improvement in Iran-US relations and so far, three rounds of talks have been held between Iran and the US in the presence of Iraq and we are ready to hold the fourth round of talks between Iran and the US.

How does Rouhani administration’s foreign policy affect Iran-Iraq relations and also developments in the whole region?

 All in all, Iran and Iraq have good relations with one another and we hope that Iran’s relations will improve with some of the Arab countries. President Rouhani has had a very positive presence in the UN. He drew Iran’s roadmap and extended the hand of friendship towards other countries. Well, the further Iran’s relations with other countries of the region are improved, the more beneficial will it be to Iraq.

How do you, as a diplomat in Tehran, assess Mr. Rouhani’s months-old administration in comparison with eight years of Mr. Ahmadinejad’s administration?

I think that Iran suffered a lot from economic sanctions in the last couple of years and of course, they have tired the West side too. I think that with President Rouhani in office we will witness opening of a new chapter in Iran’s political sphere.

During the past decade you were here as the Iraqi ambassador to Iran, what was the most difficult period of your tenure?

The most difficult period of my tenure was the beginning of my duty as the Iraqi ambassador to Iran. Because during those years [of war], there was no ambassador exchange between the two countries and we had to establish new relations. The challenging point was that about 170 thousand of American forces were present in Iraq. In fact, we had to move on two parallel lines. First, we had to assure Iranian people, officials and media that Americans will never stay in Iraq for good and Iraq will never like to provide them with a military base. It was tremendously difficult to make Iranians accept this. Well, they were right. 170 thousand foreign military forces were present near their common border with Iraq. Somebody had to come and make them calm and tell them that these forces eventually would go away. This was my task to do. We hold lots of meetings with Iranian officials and in one occasion I had a meeting with IRIB Broadcasting Policy Council. Of course, at last, Iranians believed that Americans would not stay in Iraq for good.

Another problem which I had to tackle was that the Iraqi embassy had become a hated place and the Iraqi citizens in Iran didn’t even pass by. Gradually, we managed to convince Iraqis that before opening the door of the embassy, we open the door of our hearts to them. It should be noted that Saddam Hussein had confiscated the IDs of Iraqi people who were in Iran and they didn’t have any ID whatsoever. So, we had to give them IDs and next, transferring them to Iraq was a tough job that I did.

 Before becoming an ambassador, I always wondered why others consider the Iraqi embassy as a source of fear and terror. I hoped that one day I would be able to alter this image and take steps in establishing closer ties between the two countries. Lots of efforts were made in this regard. I remember that when I first entered Iran, before meeting President Khatami, I had a meeting with the Iranian foreign minister Kamal Kharrazi to submit my credentials, as the new Iraqi ambassador in Iran. He said that he was happy to receive an ambassador that would reflect the reality of Iran for the first time.

 You have said something about the kinds of things the IRGC commander-in-chief does and even about the Commander-in-chief Qasem Soleimani’s working hours. Are you familiar with him?

I know him from the days of fighting with Saddam Hussein’s regime. In those days, I was in charge of Shahid Ayatollah Hakim’s office in Iran. My acquaintance with him dates back to that time. Of course, I have relations with Iranian officials because of the nature of my job. But I have had no personal meetings.

To what extent are people in other countries familiar with the reality of present Iran?

I ask about Iran from all delegations that come to Iran, particularly form those who visit Iran for the first time. They say that before coming to Iran they thought that Iran is a desert, a backward country. In other countries there is this very image about Iran and they are not aware of the reality of the present Iran, its achievements and its role. Well, this is the media’s duty to reflect a true image of Iran and its real place in the world, including showing Iranian movies to the world which has been proved to be very effective. In other areas too, you can do the same thing.

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